Please join us for this session with Dr. Rimner – drinks will be held afterwards in the Bratby bar.
Our guest blog-post this week is by our research seminar speaker next week, Dr. Simon M. Stevens. Thanks Simon!
Special Committee on Policies of Apartheid Resumes Meetings. Here, Miss Makeba, who appeared as a petitioner, is seen conversing with Sir Hugh Foot (United Kingdom), member of the Expert Group on South Africa. 9 March 1964. UN Photo by Teddy Chen, reproduced under fair use rules, courtesy the author.
Next week in Birmingham I’ll be talking about the shifting role of the United Nations in the strategies of opponents of white minority rule in South Africa. Reflecting widespread interest in and excitement about the new international organisation, South African opponents of segregation were one of the first non-governmental groups to attempt to use it to advance their domestic political struggle. Domestic campaigns were carefully coordinated to influence UN deliberations, and representatives were sent to New York. Through the efforts of the delegation of decolonising India, South African issues dominated the General Assembly’s first session in 1946.
Within three years, however, the refusal of the Indian delegation even to propose a a UN sanctions regime left South African activists disillusioned with the “weakness” of the UN and its domination by “imperialist powers.” Though the General Assembly continued to debate South African issues every year throughout the 1950s, South African activists accorded little strategic significance to these deliberations and concentrated on their own domestic campaigns.
In 1960, however, anti-apartheid interest in the United Nations was reignited by African decolonization and the consequent transformation of the UN’s membership. South African activists and their allies in the emerging global anti-apartheid movement now accorded central significance to securing a UN sanctions regime. In 1962, the new “Africa Group” at the UN secured the first General Assembly sanctions resolution.
But the high hopes entertained in the early 1960s that the emergence of a postcolonial majority in the General Assembly would be sufficient to transform the UN into a vehicle for promoting African states’ interests and agendas were dashed on the rock of the vetoes held by the permanent members of the Security Council. Disillusioned by the inability of the African states to generate sufficient leverage to compel the veto-wielding great powers to accede to their demands, anti-apartheid activists disengaged from the United Nations after 1965. Annual debates in the General Assembly would continue. But never again would the anti-apartheid movement see the United Nations as such a central actor in the struggle for South African liberation.
This week’s guest post comes from Dr. Silvia Salvatici, Associate Professor of Contemporary History at the University of Milan. She writes on post-war societies, women refugees, gender and human rights, and European displaced persons in the aftermath of WWII.
Here she introduces some new research on the history of global food security, a topic connected to the Modern & Contemporary History Centre’s upcoming winter roundtable, on 4 December, on the theme “Disentangling the World: The Politics of Autarky after the First World War“.
Writing the History of Food Security since 1945
In 1993 the authors of a bibliographic survey conducted for the Institute of Development Studies noted that in the literature “there is no single definition” of food security “but rather a complex weave of inter-related strands, which are adjusted to suit the needs and priority of individual users”. More than twenty years later, this assertion still seems to hold true, in spite of a proliferation of studies that have opened up specific areas of research across a variety of disciplines linking food security to processes of globalization, environmental issues, human rights and individual crisis regions.
The absence of any “single definition” and the presence of different sets of “priorities of individual users” reveal how varied and complex the scholarship is, but they also provide an important opportunity to historians seeking to interpret the measures deployed in the past to combat hunger and malnutrition. The expression “food security” itself, for example, entered current usage in the early nineteen seventies, when the international community was forced to deal with an unexpected dearth of agricultural products on markets and a food crisis afflicting the world’s poorest regions.
In recent years historical studies have been mainly concerned with the meanings attributed to the idea of food security – even if this wasn’t always the expression used – and on how those attributed meanings led to initiatives to alleviate food insecurity. Adopting a variety of perspectives and chronologies, such studies have drawn attention to the many different players and principles involved in determining food needs and the measures aimed at satisfying them.
One of the main streams of scholarship has viewed food security as a matter for global governance and it has looked at the role assumed by international organizations in this regard. In line with this approach, a number of studies have identified the period following the Second World War as a transitional phase, when food security began to be addressed as a separate issue within the United Nations with the setting up of the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO, 1945) and later the World Food Programme (WFP, 1961). The end of the Second World War has, thus, come to be seen as the beginning of a period that ushered in contemporary food policies. How these policies subsequently unfolded has itself now become a topic of special interest for scholars.
Accordingly, the articles of a recent special issue of the journal Contemporanea: Rivista di storia dell’800 e del ‘900 devoted to “Food Security in the Contemporary World” all focus on global food policies during the second half of the twentieth century. They analyze the institutional framework represented by the United Nations, the ideology of development, and the role of food security in international relations as connecting threads during the decades that followed the end of the Second World War.
However, like many recent studies, this special issue considers 1945 less as a departure point and more as a pivot that needs to be contextualized within a longer chronology, including both the interwar years and the time after the Second World War. In fact, an important cluster of studies has emphasized how the idea endorsed by the United Nations – that food security was a matter for concerted global governance – was already visible in the earlier activities of the League of Nations.
Studying food security as a matter for global governance allows us to trace extended chronologies and identify new turning points, and to this end the history of international organizations (IOs) can offer useful insights. However, the essays in the special issue of Contemporanea show how the role of international organizations can only be fully grasped by looking closely not just at IOs themselves, but at the many players – national governments, non-state actors, experts – who were involved in designing and implementing measures against hunger and malnutrition. This cluster of studies provides a compelling picture of the current state of the research and it also suggests, we hope, new areas that modern and contemporary historians might begin to explore.
 M. Smith, M., J. Pointing, and S. Maxwell, Household Food Security: Concepts and Definitions. An annotated Bibliography, Brighton, Institute of Development Studies, 1993, p. 136.
 “Food Security in the Contemporary World”, special issue of Contemporanea. Rivista di storia dell’800 e del ‘900, essays of Heike Wieters, Silvia Inaudi, Elisa Grandi, Ruth Jachertz, Alana Mann https://www.rivisteweb.it/issn/1127-3070